Twice in the 20th century, the great powers tried to create a peaceful world for the long run by limiting…
Twice in the 20th century, the great powers tried to create a peaceful world for the long run by limiting armaments. Og med seneste udviklinger, ser det ut som om disse anstrengelser har to gange mislyktes. The first failure led directly to the Second World War.
Den første forsøket på nedrustning efterfulgt af den første verdenskrig, som chokerede Europa og overtalte mange at et andet sådant krig kunne bety den ende af civilisationen. Den proces startede med traktaten om Versailles, som den britiske og franske tvang den nye tyske regering til undertegnelse. Efter blaming Tyskland og dets allierede for starten af krigen – en dom som senere generationer af historikere endorsed – de begrænsede tyskerne til en tiny hær på 1
00.000 men og en lille flåde uden battleships af den første rang, og forbød dem fra at have nogen luftstyrke at all. Men den traktat karakteriserer også disse restriktioner som den første skrittet mot generell nedrustning, som forpligter de severdige landene til å gå ned på samme vei.
In 1921, Secretary of State Charles Evans Hughes convened the Washington Conference to discuss, among other topics, naval disarmament among the leading maritime powers, Britain , the United States, Japan, France and Italy. The United States at that time had committed itself to a Navy second to none and had decided in principle to build 48 battleships, one for every state. Hughes stunned the conference by suggesting that all the major powers drastically cut back on their future building plans.
Eventually all agreed to much smaller navies, freezing the battleships of the US, Britain and Japan at a 5-5-3 ratio that ville i teorien gøre det umuligt for dem at risikere en naval war mot hverandre.
In 1932, na jaren van wrangling, werden de Europese bevoegdheden eindelijk in Genève gesproken om een algemene ontwapeningsovereenkomst te bespreken. Beide de Britse en Franse overheden uiteindelijk realiseerden dat ze zich zouden moeten ontwapenen van hun eigen, en misschien zou Duitsland enkele kleine verhogingen in zijn krachten toestaan en het zou hebben om verschillende soorten wapens te hebben.
Sorry, de Great Depression was now at its height, and the German government faced a political crisis. Before agreement could be reached, Adolf Hitler became German chancellor in January 1933. After the French government refused to allow him to triple the size of the German army, he quit both the disarmament conference and the League of Nations. In 1935 ging hij verder, repudiating all the restrictions of the Versailles Treaty, re-instituting a draft and announcing the creation of a new air force.
In Japan, meanwhile, naval and military officers had terrorized the civilian government by assassinating some leading politicians, and had seized Manchuria in 1931. They now wanted to make Japan the supreme power in East Asia, and they needed a navy that could defeat the Americans or the British to do so. In 1936, toen nog een conferentie convened om de 1930 marine verdrag te herzien, vielen de Japanners niet mee en maakten duidelijk dat ze niet langer zouden zijn gebonden aan eerdere verdragen. The major nations all began building new classes of bigger battleships. The Second World War began in 1939.
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That war, and the threat of nuclear arsenals, eventually moved the victorious bevoegdheden om stappen te ondernemen om nucleaire wapens te beperken, in een tweede 20e-eeuwse periode van wapenbeperking. The Nuclear Test Ban Treaty of 1963, which stopped above-ground testing by the Americans, Soviets and British. In de Nucleaire Non-proliferatieverdrag, getekend in 1968, vervoegen de meeste nucleaire krachten nucleaire wapens in ruil voor de beloftes van de belangrijkste nucleaire krachten om hun op te geven. Then came the SALT I and SALT II agreements of 1972 and 1979, which banned anti-ballistic missile systems and set limits on Soviet and U.S. Missiles. (The United States never ratified SALT II, successive administration observed it.) The advent of Mikhail Gorbachev and the collapse of Communism opened up the possibility of a new era of world peace, and Reagan and Gorbachev eliminated intermediate-range missiles from their arsenals in the INF treaty in 1987. Subsequently, Presidents Clinton and Obama signed new START agreements with the Russian government in 1991 and 2010, limiting their nuclear arsenals much more.
But during the last 18 years, the drama of the 1930s – in hvilke individuelle beføjelser nægtede at begrænse våben og ødelagde nedrustningens indsats – har replayed itself.
The neoconservatives who began to dominate Republican thinking on foreign policy in the 1980s and 1990s never believed in arms control, which they saw as a trap, and instead favored US military supremacy. They also seized Ronald Reagan’s idea that missile defense, rather than agreements, might protect the U.S. from fiery nuclear weapons.
These ideas became orthodoxy in the administration of George W. Bush, and in December 2001, he announced that the U.S. was withdrawing from the ABM treaty. In the following year the U.S. Government also announced a new non-proliferation strategy. Rather than rely on international agreements, it would simply make war on any nation that sought to acquire nuclear weapons if the U.S.
John Bolton was one of the leading neocons in the Bush II Administration, and now he is Donald Trump’s National Security Adviser. This month the President has announced that he plans to withdraw from the INF treaty as well. Meanwhile, Russia’s President Putin has stated that his country is developing new weapons because of the American withdrawal from the ABM treaty. Just this Thursday, two titans of the Cold War era – Mikhail Gorbachev and George P. Shultz – called for maintaining existing treaties in the New York Times.
The two disarmament efforts of the last century aimed at making great-power war impossible by limiting and reducing great armaments. Recent Republican Administration has abandoned those efforts because they believe that U.S. military supremacy, not diplomacy, is the solution to the power of world peace.
Disarmament failed completely in the 1930s and remained controversial in the Cold War period. Yet it represents mankind’s best hope for a better world.
Historians explain how the past informs the present
David Kaiser, a historian, is the world’s strongest power, abandons that hope, our planet can only get more dangerous. , has taught that Harvard, Carnegie Mellon, Williams College, and the Naval War College. He is the author of seven books, including, most recently, No EndSaving Victory: How FDR Led the Nation into War . He lives in Watertown, Mass.