WASHINGTON – When Terry J. Albury arrived at Minneapolis 2012, about 11 years after joining the FBI, he had become increasingly convinced that agents abused their powers and discriminated against racial and religious minorities as they chased for potential terrorists.
The son of an Ethiopian political refugee, Mr Albury was the only African American field taker assigned to a terrorist group reviewing the Minnesota Somali American community. There, according to his lawyer, he became disillusioned about “widespread racist and xenophobic feelings” in the agency and “discriminatory practices and policies that he observed and implemented.”
deep. He apologized to his former F.B.I. colleagues and said he had been motivated to act by perceived injustice. In retrospect, he said that he would have expressed his concern through official channels and not the news media.
“I really wanted to make a difference and never thought to put anyone at risk,” said Albury.  Judgment – which also included three years of released release after Albury was released from prison – completed the second leakage case during the spy at the Trump Administration after the promise of Advocate General Jeff Session last year to
On Thursday, Sessions triumphant and said in a statement that the department “conducted perhaps the most aggressive campaign against leaks” in its history.
“Today’s opinion should be a warning to all our leakers in the federal government that if they disclose classified information, they will pay a high price,” he said.
The first leak case came to an end in A when Reality Winner, a former security agency agency, was convicted for more than five years in jail after alleging to leak a confidential document about Russian efforts to hack government rolling systems. Like Mr Albury, Ms Winter had sent her document to The Intercept.
Betsy Reed, editor of The Intercept, who published a long profile of Mr Albury on Thursday, said in an email that it would be easier for the government to hunt journalists’ sources using monitoring and internal surveillance systems. She warned of a growing chill for investigative journalism.
“As former NSA Entrepreneur Reality Winner, who also faced charges under spy, Terry Albury was a whistle blower motivated by conscience aimed at injuring national security, but because the authorities found their information uncomfortable or embarrassing,” she said.
But the Justice Department rejected Albury as a whistleblower and said he had not done anything internally to raise any concerns about or attempt to change the FBI policy. When F.B.I. Agents raped their house last year, they found digital copies of several dozen additional classified files, court documents show.
Judge Wright, who is black and appointed by former President Barack Obama, criticized Mr Albury after announcing the sentence. She said she understood her fears about racism but called her actions “a stupid case” that hurt national security.
“You perceived your actions to be honorable,” Judge Wright said when Albury stood silently in the middle of the courtroom flanked by his lawyers. “But it’s a misunderstood understanding of glory. It puts our country at risk.”
Mr.. Albury’s verdict came as a result of the inclusion of undamaged leak-related investigation. On Monday, a former Senate Intelligence Committee, James A. Wolfe, declared himself to be lying about his contacts with a reporter under a F.B.I. investigation of leakage of confidential information.
And on Wednesday, the Justice Department announced that it had accused a finance minister, Natalie Mayflower Sours Edwards, and urged her to illegally display journalistic secret reports of suspected transfers by Paul Manafort, President Trump’s former campaign chairman and others linked to the Russian involvement investigation in the election 2016.
The Trump Justice Department’s aggressive use of criminal charges for practicing officials suspected of making unauthorized information to the public is a continuation of a practice developed during the Bush administration and accelerated during the Obama administration.
For most American stories, leaks were suspiciously disciplined but not stressed. But the electronic traces provided by modern communications have made it all easier to determine which officials both had access to the secrets and were in contact with the reporters who wrote about them, even as after September. 11 The epoch has generated much more state secrets of contested national security politicians.
Against this background, halfway through the Bush administration, the Ministry of Justice adjusted the use of prosecutors to leak suspects. This approach continued under the Obama administration, which eventually monitored more criminal cases than all former presidents combined.
The leakage of Trump administration also increases, although there is some ambiguity about which cases should be included in counting them. In addition to Ms. Winner and Mr. Albury, has charged Joshua A. Schulte, a former C.I.A. software engineer, according to the espionage, to file an archive of documents describing the agency’s hacking activity to WikiLeaks.
Ms. Edwards, on the other hand, was charged according to another statute prohibiting unauthorized disclosure of confidential reports of suspected economic activities. And while Mr. Wolf’s case of case of false statements came in the context of a leakage investigation, he was not required to leak.
In a court application, Albury’s lawyer Joshua Dratel revealed a difference in how suspects in leakage-related cases have been dealt with saying that a “double standard” lets senior officials from the hook while punishing lower rankings. He stressed that Mr Albury tried to be a whistleblower, not putting the country at risk.
But prosecutors accused him of abusing his position of trust and a betrayal that “risks national security.”