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Byron York: Mueller changed everything

From now on, Trump-Russia's deal, the first-year survey of Donald Trump's presidency, will be divided into two parts: before and after the publication of the Mueller report. Before the special council's conclusions were published last month, the president's opponent was on the offensive. Now they play defenses. The change is due to a simple fact: Mueller was unable to establish that there was a conspiracy or coordination between Russia and the Trump campaign to fix the 2016 election. received nearly 300 records of electronic communications and still could not determine the only thing that was most important in the survey. Without a judgment as a conspiracy &#821 1; or collaboration in the popular phrase – took place, everything else in Trump-Russia's business began to shrink in importance. In particular, allegations that the president prevented justice from covering a conspiracy were converted into allegations that he prevented an investigation of a crime that prosecutors could not actually say occurred. Although it is legally possible to pursue an obstructive case without an underlying crime, a critical element of obstruction – knowledge of guilt – disappeared the moment Mueller's report was released. Of course, heads still talk to obstruction. But with the release of the report, the investigation was moved from the legal realm to the political realm. And in the political realm, the president has a simple and effective case to make up 99.6% of Americans who are not lawyers: They say I prevented an investigation into something that didn't happen? And…

From now on, Trump-Russia’s deal, the first-year survey of Donald Trump’s presidency, will be divided into two parts: before and after the publication of the Mueller report. Before the special council’s conclusions were published last month, the president’s opponent was on the offensive. Now they play defenses.

The change is due to a simple fact: Mueller was unable to establish that there was a conspiracy or coordination between Russia and the Trump campaign to fix the 2016 election. received nearly 300 records of electronic communications and still could not determine the only thing that was most important in the survey.

Without a judgment as a conspiracy &#821

1; or collaboration in the popular phrase – took place, everything else in Trump-Russia’s business began to shrink in importance.

In particular, allegations that the president prevented justice from covering a conspiracy were converted into allegations that he prevented an investigation of a crime that prosecutors could not actually say occurred. Although it is legally possible to pursue an obstructive case without an underlying crime, a critical element of obstruction – knowledge of guilt – disappeared the moment Mueller’s report was released.

Of course, heads still talk to obstruction. But with the release of the report, the investigation was moved from the legal realm to the political realm. And in the political realm, the president has a simple and effective case to make up 99.6% of Americans who are not lawyers: They say I prevented an investigation into something that didn’t happen? And they want to condemn me for that?

The field has been changed a month since the report became public. Before the release, many Democrats adopted a “wait for Mueller” stop and based their anti-Trump strategy on the hope that Mueller would find the highly anticipated conspiracy.

Then Mueller did not deliver. And not only that, Mueller’s report reached 448 pages, with long minutia and arcane legal arguments that the public would never read. Democrats sought a way to convince Americans that the president was still guilty of something serious.

They designed a plan to make the Mueller report a TV show, available to millions of viewers who did not even read a page of the report itself. They would call important witnesses to provide dramatic testimony in television hearings that would build support for possible impeachment.

At the same time, they would insist that the lawyer William Barr, who has allowed the best lawmakers to see the entire Mueller report with the exception of a small amount of grand jury material, hid something and that the hidden material might reveal presidential crime.

So far, the strategy has not worked. The White House, which gave Mueller testimony and actions that could easily have been held as privileged, has not been so prominent with Congress. We gave the criminal investigator Mueller what he needed, said the White House, but we are not obliged to do the same for Congress.

The dispute can take a long time to resolve.

Meanwhile, the house democrats have been reduced to stunts to try to catch public attention. At the Capitol recently, they joined Hollywood star John Cusack to attend a general reading of the entire Mueller report – it took 12 hours – when C-Span cameras rolled. The incident did not just imprison the nation.

Now the Republicans have turned the tables of Democrats by pumping new energy into their long-standing desire to “investigate the investigation”. Barr, who renounced tremendous controversy with his statement that “spying occurred” against the Trump campaign, has raised the reason for giving US lawyer John Durham an insight into the origin of the probe.

The hope is also based on the release of the Justice Secretary General’s Secretary General Michael Horowitz’s report on the department’s handling of the case. It is probably not a coincidence that some Obama era intelligence figures now point to each other because of their dependence on the so-called Steele case, a collection of undamaged accusations against the president put together by a former British spy on Hillary’s behalf of the Clinton campaign.

None of this would have happened without the Mueller report concluding that the evidence did not imply conspiracy or coordination. If Democrats could still claim that Trump and Russia conspired in 2016, they would still have the top. But after Mueller it is no longer possible, and democratic hopes are lowering.

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